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Jeśli nasza strategia prowadzi do kilku czynności, to wtedy zyskuje się na wysokim bonusie, ale jeśli zamierzamy wykonać kilka czynności w połowie okresu, najważniejszą rzeczą jest, aby myśleć w naszej działalności, a nie w premie. Strategie uzyskiwania premii powitalnej dla opcji binarnych Jeśli nasza główna strategia ma otrzymać premię powitalną dla opcji Binarnych, musimy wdrożyć metody handlowe, w których wykonywane są codzienne operacje lub w których wykonywane są nieliczne operacje o dużej objętości, co jest konieczne do wycofania pieniędzy z bonusu powitalnego. Skalowanie to metoda handlowania charakteryzująca się wykonywaniem operacji w okresach, które trwają od kilku sekund do zaledwie kilku minut, co oznacza, że możemy wykonać 60 sekund operacji, aby wykonać skalowanie w opcjach binarnych, forex johor ibs, ibs forex johor, forex agea android. 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Jest wielokrotnie nagradzaną platformą transakcyjną z zaawansowanymi wykresami forex, narzędziami do zarządzania zleceń, zautomatyzowanymi strategiami fx i możliwymi do zrealizowania badaniami. Witryna mobilna. Easy-forex mobilna strona oferuje wszystkie funkcje handlu z easy-forex z wygody smartfona. Pendapatan pasif forex Jeśli twierdzisz, że Twoim głównym celem jest edukacja, to gdzie jest edukacja Dlaczego CitiTrader nie roi się w 50 słowach Nie ma wiele dobrych słów, aby rozlać CitiTrader. Platforma handlowa jest świetna, promocje są dobre, a zyski są w porządku, forex pasif pendapatan. CitiTrader Pełne przeglądy Tylko twierdzenia, które mają Best Education CitItrader, uruchomiony w 2017 r., Opierają się na najpopularniejszej platformie transakcyjnej Binary Options dzisiaj, SpotOption, pendapatan forex pasif. Technologia ta jest oczywiście 100 stron internetowych, więc nie ma potrzeby pobierania żadnego oprogramowania. 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Oprogramowanie indyjskiego rynku giełdowego - inwestor uzyskał dokładność 80 z bezpłatnym szkoleniem z analizy technicznej, automatycznie aktualizując dane z rynku live. Darmowe oprogramowanie do wymiany akcji i spojrzenie na najlepsze platformy wymiany akcji w Indiach, niektóre najniższe opłaty maklerskie w Indiach dla opcji handlu. Poniżej znajduje się oryginalny wpis napisany przez Nokia1 z forum cari. Ten post został później przeniesiony do ukrytej planszy przez cari forum8217s admin z powodu nieznanego powodu OFX GlobalOFX Group LtdIBS I8217ve dołączył do tego brokera forex od prawie roku i I8217d chciałbym podzielić się moim doświadczeniem here8230 Z OFX Global do IBS (a właściwie wierzę w firma, która po prostu zmienia swoje imię bez powodu, jak głupi jestem i 8230) gra pieniężna, IBS Financial Głównym powodem, dla którego napisałem dzisiaj jest ostrzeganie nowych graczy, don8217t kiedykolwiek uważa, że forex oznacza łatwe pieniądze. To kolejny program Ponzi, który przykuwa uwagę, że wierzysz w niego i sprawi, że pracujesz dla nich trudniej, zdobywając więcej ludzi lub przyjaciół wokół ciebie w piramidzie8230. Zacznij zarabiać, po prostu uczęszczając na podstawowe 1-dniowe kursy organizowane przez doświadczonego przedsiębiorcę. I większość inwestorów w IBS nie prowadzi do wykształcenia wyższego. Gdybyśmy mogli opanować forex z tymi warunkami, ain8217t tych stopień lub stopień magistra w dziedzinie finansów i marketingu powinny zabić IBS IBS byłem na tyle naiwny, aby wierzyć, że IBS jest punktem zwrotnym w moim życiu8230 byłem tak naiwny, aby uwierzyć, że ludzie, którzy nie ich egzamin w szkole średniej mógłby się nauczyć Forex8230 Byłem na tyle naiwny, aby wierzyć, że facet, który mnie przywiózł, próbował pomóc finansowo w roku 8230. Jeśli ty czytasz to teraz i skonfrontuj z informatorem, odpowiedzi, które najbardziej Ci się podobają, są najprostsze: 8220wiedzą ci plotki lah (to, co powiedział mi mój przewodnik) więc i8217ll po prostu podziel się z wami, a ty jesteś sędzią. od pierwszego dnia, do którego dołączyłem, wiem tylko, że pośrednik, OFX Global, miał swoją siedzibę w Nowej Zelandii. Jest to imienna karta, którą wydrukowano dla mnie: OFX GlobalPosted Wczoraj o 10:57 przez IBS Focus Prefab amp Modułowy producent toalet przenośnych dla kabin, przenośnych akcesoriów toaletowych Guard House go. ibsfocus. mycabin Firma IBS Focus Construction jest firmą zajmującą się produkcją prace budowlane i renowacje budynków z technologią IBS (Industrial Building Systems) akredytowane przez CIDB i SIRIM. Z ponad 20-letnim doświadczeniem w dziedzinie budownictwa mieszkaniowego zawsze dbamy o wysoką jakość pracy. Jeszcze nie rozpoczął Wysłany wczoraj o godz. 10:57 przez IBS Focus Prefab amp Modułowy Dom Straży Domowej Dostawca do Kabiny, Przenośnej Toalety Straż Domowej go. ibsfocus. mycabin Firma IBS Focus Construction jest firmą zajmującą się budową i renowacją budynków z technologią IBS (Industrial Building Systems) akredytowaną przez CIDB i SIRIM. Z ponad 20-letnim doświadczeniem w budownictwie mieszkaniowym. Jeszcze nie rozpoczął Wysłany wczoraj o 10:54 przez IBS Focus Prefabium Modułowa Gospodarka Domowa Izolowana Kabina Dostawca Kabiny, Przenośna toaleta Straż Domowa go. ibsfocus. mycabin Firma IBS Focus Construction jest firmą zajmującą się budową i renowacją budynki z technologią IBS (budownictwo przemysłowe) jeszcze nie rozpoczęte Posted on wczoraj o godz. 10:45 przez IBS Focus Prefabium Modułowa Gospodarka Domowa Izolowana Kabina Dostawca Kabiny, Przenośna Wc Amuła Domowa Go. ibsfocus. mycabin IBS Focus Construction to firma prowadząca prace budowlane i renowacja budynków z technologią IBS (Industrial Building) jeszcze nie rozpoczęły się Wysłany wczoraj o godz. 10:44 przez IBS Focus Prefabium Modułowy Dom Deluxe izolowany Kabinowy Dostawca Kabiny, Przenośna Wc ampułka Straży Dom go. ibsfocus. mycabin Jeszcze nie rozpoczął się Zarejestrowany Nov 2018 Postów 0 Wpisy blogu 13 Wszystkie czasy w strefie GMT 8. Teraz jest 03:05 PM. Wszystkie posty opublikowane w tej publikacji są wyłącznie na podstawie indywidualnych poglądy, i nie wynikają one wyraźnie ani w sposób dorozumiany przez CariGold lub jej właściciela. Niniejszym wyjaśniono, że firma CariGold nie popiera, nie popiera, nie przyjmuje żadnych opinii, programów i możliwości biznesowych zamieszczonych w niniejszym dokumencie. CariGold również nie udziela i nie oferuje doradztwa inwestycyjnego żadnym członkom ani czytelnikom. Wszyscy członkowie i czytelnicy powinni przed podjęciem jakichkolwiek decyzji biznesowych i inwestycyjnych konsultować się z własnymi konsultantami, prawnikami i rodzinami niezależnie. To forum jest tylko miejscem dyskusji ogólnych. Zgadzają się ze wszystkimi czytelami i CariGold. com nie ponosi żadnej odpowiedzialności i ponosi odpowiedzialność za wszelkie szkody i straty poniesione przez kogokolwiek z PaństwaJapać Szampana i rozwiązywać Primo Levi Przede wszystkim uważam, że powinniśmy argumentować za wycofaniem się z Libanu. Potem jest równie pilne, aby powstrzymać dalszą budowę osiedli na okupowanych terytoriach. Potem, jak mówiłem, ostrożnie, ale zdecydowanie przejdę do wycofania się z Zachodniego Brzegu i Strefy Gazy. Primo Levi, jeśli jest to państwo, 1984 W miesięczniku Comunit Ebraica di Roma (kongregacja żydowska w Rzymie) Shalom publikuje wydarzenia o znaczeniu lokalnym w wydarzeniu z czerwca 2017 r. Włączono do nich Primo Levi, ogłaszając wystawę Survivor. Primo Levi w portrety Larry Rivers (De Canino 2017, 41). Mieszczący się w Museo Ebraico di Roma, w pokoju zatytułowanym "Od emancypacji do dnia dzisiejszego", wystawa trwała od 9 maja do 15 października 2017 r. Organizowano ją wokół trzech prac multimedialnych: Survivor (ok. 186 x 152,5 x 15), okresowych (nazwany na cześć jednego z najbardziej znanych zbiorów esejów osobistych Levisa 186 hx 146 x 15), a także Świadek (cm 191 HX 162.5 X 15), każdy półroczny portret tureckiego pisarza (Melasecchi 2017). 1 Wcześniej mieścił się w sali konferencyjnej w biurach w Turynie w La Stampa (do których między rokiem 1959 a 1968 r. Levi wnieśli regularnie), portrety te nigdy wcześniej nie były dostępne publicznie. 2 W tym samym numerze Shalom znalazł się również artykuł Syjonizm, Słowo nie wszystkim rozumiejące (Volli 2017). 3 Badanie nieskończonej kampanii delegacji i demonizacji na całym świecie przeciwko Izraelowi, artykuł ten identyfikuje ostatnie krytyki tego państwa narodowego zarówno z lewego, jak i prawego. Łącząc takie krytyki z degeneracją antyimigracyjnych nastrojów w terroryzmie, artykuł wyraża szczególnie oburzenie, że nawet oficjalna prasa włoskiego judaizmu opublikowała niedawne ataki na Izrael. Jednym z przytoczonych przykładów jest esej Simona Levisa Sullama (2017), którego punktem wyjścia jest atak na synagogę w Rzymie w 1982 r. W związku z głęboką delegitymacją Izraela, jego przywództwem i katastrofalną polityką (Volli 2017 słowa w cudzysłowie są Sullams). Co ciekawe, pisarz Shalom opuścił, celowo lub w inny sposób, niektóre słowa Sullams, ponieważ cytat rzeczywiście kończy się z ostatnich lat. Współlokatora w Shalom. z tych dwóch artykułów pobieżnie przywołuje trwającą walkę wśród osób powiązanych z włoskim żydostwem w celu określenia znaczenia Primo Levi. 4 Z jednej strony niektóre zatrudnienia w Levi dążą do ograniczenia jego znaczenia w znacznej mierze do żydowskiego pisarza i żyjącego z Shoah z drugiej strony, istnieją starania, aby autor pustego znacznika, którego funkcją performatywną jest skroplenie różnorodności zagadnień w relatywnie stabilny projekt polityczny (Dean 2017, 43-44), a tym samym powstają programy polityczne, które istniały tylko razowo (44). 5 Te różnorodne kwestie mogłyby obejmować nie tylko pacyfizm Lewisa i krytykę antysemityzmu, ale także krytykę okupacji izraelskiej, a nawet krytykę humanizmu (Ross 2017). Być może warto zauważyć, że Levi raz określił siebie jako centaura jako tożsamość podsumowaną przez Marco Belpoliti jako uosabiającą nie tylko przeciwieństwa, ale także związek mężczyzny i zwierzęcia, impuls i ratiocination, niestałe zjednoczenie, które ma się rozbić. Koń-człowiek jest symbolem radykalnej wewnętrznej opozycji, którą przeżyli wszyscy przeżyli (2001, xx). Ta semiotyczna walka o znaczenie Leviego ma długą historię (Cheyette 2007), która w 1982 roku wyłoniła się w swoim rodzaju, a także jej traumatyczne wydarzenia, w tym izraelska inwazja na Liban, masakry w Sabra i Shatila, a także bombardowanie Romesa Tempio Maggiore lub Wielka Synagoga (Marzano i Schwarz 2017 Molinari 1995). Śmierć Lewisa w 1987 roku osłabiła tę walkę, ponieważ oznaczało to punkt, w którym autor powiedział lub nie mówił o Izraelu, a także jego związku z jego włoską tożsamością żydowską, stał się nie tylko kwestią stypendialną i spekulacją, ale czasami podgrzewaną polemiką . (Choć okoliczności śmierci Levisa są niejasne, patrz Gambetta 1999, komentarz do bloga New Yorker w 2017 r. Opublikował, że zarówno krytyka Lewisa, jak i jego samobójstwo były produktem jego żałosnej, depresyjnej choroby psychicznej Eeman 2017). 6 W polityce Historii. Wendy O. Brown (2001) bada niektóre z nowych możliwości politycznych i epistemologicznych wychodzących z ruin nowoczesności (2001, 5). Pracując nad poststrukturalizmem krytyka metafizyki, metanarracji i podstawalizmu, Brown stara się wytworzyć owocną formę świadomości historyczno-politycznej (16), która nie wykorzystuje zdyskredytowanych narracji systematyczności, periodyczności, praw rozwoju czy ograniczonego , spójna przeszłość i teraźniejszość (143). Projekt Browns współgra z wieloma innymi interwencjami w następstwie krytyki fundacjonalizmu, od tego, co nazywa się estetycznym przeobrażeniem teorii politycznej, w debatę o dziwacznych niehistorikalizmach w renesansowych studiach, po historiografię postkolonialną prowadzoną przez Subalternę Grupa analityczna. 7 Wszystkie te interwencje mają nadzieję na stworzenie metody historycznego myślenia, która unika surowego historyzmu. Wszystko kręci wokół serii relacji najbardziej charakterystycznie wyrażonych przez Waltera Benjamina: między estetyką a polityką, przeszłością i teraźniejszością, historyzmem i historycznością (1968, 2017). Czytając zarówno Brown, jak i Jacques Derrida, dziwaczna uczennica renesansu, Carla Freccero używa tropów nawiedzania i spekulacji, aby opisać relacje afektywne z przeszłością i obowiązki, jakie niesie ze sobą. Łączy w sobie zarówno pozorną obiektywność wydarzeń, jak i subiektywność ich afektywnych życia pozagrobowego, sugeruje Freccero (2006, 76). Po Derrida zatrudnia termin spektrum, aby odnieść się do sposobu, w jaki przeszłość lub przyszłość naciska na nas z naleganiem lub popytem, czegoś żądania, które musimy w jakiś sposób odpowiedzieć (70). Freccero błyszczy derridasa jako próbę opisania trybu historycznej czujności, że życie może mieć to, czego nie ma, ale jakoś pojawia się jako postać lub głos (69-70). Wyraźnie, my, z nas, inwestując w włoskie żydostwo, nawiedzeni są postacie Lewiego. Rzemieślnicze portrety, ich niedawna wystawa Museo Ebraico di Roma, fotografie, wiersze i obiekty zawarte w wystawie, wszystko to stanowi formę widmową, którą coś upiornego wywołuje się w celu wywoływania sposobu nazywania i bycia wezwanym do odpowiedzialności historycznej i etycznej (69). W dalszej części czytałem portrety Larry'ego Riverssa z Levi na tle niektórych kontekstów dyskursywnych, w których były i są osadzone i wystawiane. Dla wystawy na rzekę ujawnia się sprzeczne znaczenia przypisane do Lewiego. Nie jest to celowe rozważanie na temat muzeów, ale jest wynikiem szeregu złożonych okoliczności, w tym historii muzeum, jego związku z Komunitem, sprzecznych muzealnych planów i historii włoskiego żydostwa i włoskich tożsamości żydowskich. Analiza portretów rzek w kontekście wystawy ilustruje niektóre współczesne znaczenia Primo Levi. Ponieważ, jak sam tytuł wystawy (Primo Levi Among Us) ujawnia, Primo Levi doszedł do tego pytania: co dziś jest Żydem włoskim Jest to pytanie tak fałszywe, że pojedyncza, trwała próba naukowa w języku włoskim odpowiedz na to Badanie booklength Shaula Bassisa, Essere qualcun altro (bycie kimś innym) praktycznie nie było znaczone przez włoską prasę żydowską. Jak pisze Bassi, większość włoskich Żydów jest na wszystkich praktycznych celach zreformowanych w mentalności i praktyce religijnej, ale są wrogo nastawieni do instytucjonalizacji tego warunku, sentymentalizując religijną ortodoksję, ale niechętnie lub bezinteresownie obserwując halachę (2017, 252-3). Warunki historyczne, ekonomiczne i polityczne, które to umożliwiły, zostały przedstawione w książce Bassis i będą tu nawiązywać tylko do tego, ale według włoskiego żydowskiego dziennikarza, który pisze nie po włosku, a po angielsku, we Włoszech tradycyjny żydowski styl życia Zniknięcie (Momigliano 2017). Twierdzę, że Primo Levi stał się metonimem tego stylu życia, zarówno żydowskich Żydów prawosławnych, jak i reformatorskich (co, jak sugeruje Bassi, może w niektórych przypadkach być jednym i tym samym), twierdząc, że są jego reprezentantami i czują się równie dumni. Zarówno Żydów prawosławnych, jak i reformatorskich uznają, że zagrożenie społeczności, w perspektywie Momiglianos, zanika. Odpowiedź prawosławia polega jednak na tym, aby wzmocnić granice włoskiej tożsamości żydowskiej iw ten sposób uczynić z nich mniej przepuszczalną warunek, który zarówno Bassi, jak i Momigliano są sprzeczne z historią judaizmu włoskiego. Jak sugerują napisy z książki Bassisa, żydowscy reformatorzy proponują postmodernistyczny postkolonialny judaizm, który oddzieliłby kategorie historycznie zdefiniowanych judaizmów, zarówno wewnątrz, jak i poza nim, filozofię i antysemityzm. (Pozycja Bassis jest informowana przez tzw. Nowe żydowskie studia kulturowe, patrz: Bassi 2017, 51-73), o nowych żydowskich kulturach, zob. Np. Cheyette i Marcus 1998 2002 Boyarin i Boyarin 1997 Eilberg-Schwartz 1992 Gilman 2003 Gruber 2002 Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1998.) Jeśli chodzi o moją formalną analizę portrety, uważam, że jest to niezbędny etap, który łączy estetykę i politykę, którą postrzegana tutaj nie tylko jako zwykła policja, ale raczej jako wypadek dyskryminacji (Shapiro 2017, 140 w tej definicji polityki, patrz także Rancire 1999). Zwracając uwagę na zmysłową specyfikę dzieła sztuki i sposób, w jaki obiekt sztuki potencjalnie wiąże się ze sobą wpływając i myśleć, aby zaproponować alternatywne sposoby bytu, moja analiza ma na celu promowanie krytycznej postawy, która stawia wyzwanie dla polityki tożsamości w ogóle i zachęca autorefleksji, a nie kapitalizacji do już zinstytucjonalizowanych przestrzeni tożsamości dostępnych w ramach dominujących układów władzy, nawet tych, na których przewidywane są pewne trudne ruchy społeczne (shapiro 2017, 8). Formalna inwentaryzacja portrety Riversa jest zgodna z własnymi próbami wyrażania Shoah przez Levisa, traumą, która opanowała wyraz przez język (2005, 23), a portrety Riversa są staraniami, aby ponownie dostrzec Levi. Krótko mówiąc, dla obu rzek, a może nawet dla Leviego, Primo Levi działa jak to, co Deleuze i Guattari (1994, 177) nazwali estetyczną postacią: wrażenia, percepcje i wpływy, krajobrazy i twarze, wizje i stają się określeniami, które odnosząc się konkretnie do portrety Riversa. Mam nadzieję, że jednocześnie moja formalna analiza portretów jest odpowiedzią na prorocze pytanie dla każdego, kto pisze o sztuce, która stara się ominąć zarówno nekrologiczny model historiografii (Freccero 2006, 70), który wchłonąłby w piśmie utracone inne przeszłość i powiązany model, historiografia jako właściwa władza czy przydział (71): Czy można uniknąć iluzji opisowej w jakikolwiek inny sposób, niż potępiać reprezentatywną hipotezę, z której sięga, zachowując prawa do analizy, która nie dotyczy Malowanie, ale raczej postępuje z nim, ale to nie wymaga naszego pozwolenia, abyśmy mogli się nim posługiwać, jak ten eksperyment z przeszłością, która według Waltera Benjamina jest historią (Damisch 1994, 263) 8 Według hipotezy reprezentacjonistycznej, Damisch odnosi się do że reprezentacja jest podstawową funkcją zarówno języka, jak i sztuki (238). Ta hipoteza podkreśla konstytutywną przejrzystość znaku i niemożność jej odzwierciedlenia w procesie reprezentacji (269). Innymi słowy hipoteza reprezentacjonistyczna jest podkreślana przez ewolucjonistyczną epistemologię, która, jak wykazałaby moja formalna analiza portreci, rzeki odrzucają. Biorąc pod uwagę jego wyraźną krytykę polityki tożsamości, moje czytanie wychodzi w ten sposób, a przynajmniej ponownie kontekstualizuje niektóre sposoby, w których przedstawiciele Levi wystawiają jego postać. Tutaj, na przykład, jest Museo Ebraicos poczucie tego, co jest zagrożone w znaczeniu Levi, czego dowodem są słowa jego obecnego reżysera, Alessandry Di Castro. Zwróć uwagę zwłaszcza na tożsamość: Survivor. Primo Levi w portretych Larry Rivers to pierwszy interdyscyplinarny spektakl, który skupia się na współczesności: walka ma sprawić, że dziś jako historycy żydowscy i włosi pozostają narratorzy Museo Ebraico di Roma, naszej tożsamości. Primo Levi jest godłem, kamieniem węgielnym tego nowego dyskursu. Pomiędzy trzema portretami Rivers opowiada Lewi we wszystkich aspektach: pisarz, naukowiec, człowiek, który podlegał prawom rasowym i deportacji oraz świadectwo jego doświadczeń w obozach zagłady. W memoriach, 2017. W jaki sposób Muzeum Comunits podejmuje wyzwanie, opowiadając się za figurą Lewiego, tożsamości (i towarzyszącej mu polityce), która jest zarówno włoska, jak i żydowska. Co to jest nowy dyskurs? I jak to oddziałuje ślady wcześniejszych odczytów Lewiego, z których przynajmniej jedno muzeum podkreśla Dla Ocalałego. Primo Levi dzielił przestrzeń z kilkoma rzeczami z pokoju Emancypacji na miejscu. włącznie z panelem ściennym opisującym negatywną reakcję (co w tekście muzeum jest) nienazwany włoskich intelektualistów żydowskich na inwazję Izraela na Liban i wydarzenia Sabra i Shatila. To znaczy, w ciągu kilku metrów od opowieści o tym, co muzeum nazywa (prawdopodobnie, wprowadzając w błąd) pierwszy, bolesny podział wspólnoty na temat Izraela, były trzy duże portrety człowieka, który ucieleśniał ten podział (Di Castro 2017, 61) . Jak twierdzili Marcella Simoni i Arturo Marzano (2017, 33), jeśli chodzi o mobilizację intelektualistów, najbardziej ostateczne potępienie rządu premiera Menachem Beginsa, eufemistycznie zatytułowanego Peace in Galilee, pochodziło z Levi, który oskarżył Begin wykorzystywania Shoah w celu mobilizacji narodowej w Izraelu (słowa Simoni i Marzanos). Tymczasem ani zresztą ani muzealny mur, ani wystawa nie wspomniały o tym zbiegiem okoliczności. Oczywiście nie był to zbieg okoliczności, że pokój wybrany na wystawę w Levi'ie jest domem, który zwykle mieści się w materiale z lat dwudziestych, w tym w Shoah. Starając się stworzyć przestrzeń do pokazu, niektóre przedmioty zostały tymczasowo przeniesione do innych pomieszczeń, podczas gdy inne zostały pozostawione na miejscu. W wyniku tego, jak muzeum wyobraża Rzymianizm żydostwom od starożytności aż do dzisiaj, pokój z 1900 r. Umyślnie budował relacje między emancypacją, włoskim syjonizmem, włoską opozycją wobec faszyzmu, Shoah we Włoszech, narodziny państwa Izrael oraz wydarzenia, które po zakończeniu wojny z 1967 r., w tym inwazję na Liban, reakcję Włoch na tę inwazję, a 9 października tego samego roku atak na Tempio Maggiore przez członków organizacji terrorystycznej w Abu Nidal, która doprowadziła do śmierci dwunastoletniego Stefano Gay Tacha i zranienia trzydziestu siedmiu innych (Szampan i Clasby, zbliżający się). 10 Przez ostatnią wystawę, Lewi został (ponownie) wstawiony w tym kontekście. 11 Muzeum zaczęło się jako tymczasowa przestrzeń dla wspólnotowych obiektów liturgicznych, wiele datuje się od czasów, kiedy kontr-Reformacja rozszerzyła się najpierw do muzeum skierowanego przede wszystkim do Żydów odwiedzających Rzym z Ameryki Północnej, a następnie przyjął w 2005 r. Program renowacji i reorganizacja z chronologicznego planu tematycznego (zob. Di Castro 2017,13-18 z historii muzeum). 12 Reorganizacja ta została oparta na dziewiętnastowiecznej estetyce muzealnej (Crane 1997), która ma na celu edukację zarówno Żydów, jak i nie-Żydów, Włochów i nie-Włochów. 13 Na przykład, chociaż muzealne wyjaśnienie judaizmu religijnego jest prawosławne, a zatem zawiera jednoznaczne stwierdzenia, takie jak prawo żydowskie wymaga, aby mężczyźni zawsze musieli pokrywać głowy, a nie tylko w synagodze (Di Castro 2017, 103 złapany pomiędzy co najmniej trzema konkurującymi programami zachowania historii i artefaktów wspólnotowych, kształcenia nie-Żydów w praktykach religijnych judaizmu ortodoksyjnego, a szczególnie dwudziestowieczny program zachęcający do komentowania i kontrowersji, które, jak sugerują sugestie Alessandra Di Castros, wystawa Levińska częściowo odpowiada muzeum, jest koniecznie zaznaczona sprzecznościami, które stanowią jego bardzo korzystne warunki. museological agenda jest odpowiedzią na prace Benjaminsów i krytykę muzeum, która nastąpiła po jego zakończeniu (zob. na przykład Crimp 1999). Pre-tekst: Primo Levi, judaizm włoski i Izrael Od czasów starożytności we Włoszech od dawna istniała Włochy, a w przeciwieństwie do wielu innych regionów Europy, Włochy nigdy nie wyrzucają Żydów (Mendel, 2005). 15 Włochy były również odpowiedzialne za wynalezienie getta, z których pierwsza pochodzi z XVI-wiecznej Wenecji. W 1555 r., W ramach katolickiej odpowiedzi na reformację protestancką, papież Paweł IV wydał Cum nimis absurdum. papieski byk, który wycofał prawa żydowskie w państwach papieskich, zmusił Żydów do życia w gettach i nosić widoczne znaki, aby mogły być rozpoznawane wszędzie, a ograniczone Żydów pod względem ich zawodów. Bardzo trudno jest uogólnić historię żydostwa włoskiego przed włoską unifikacją, biorąc pod uwagę bardzo różne okoliczności, w jakich żyją Żydzi na terenie dzisiejszego Włoch. Na przykład, chociaż żydowscy i rzymscy Żydzi zostali osadzeni w gettach, to z powodu różnych czynników, w tym republik, pragnących utrzymać autonomię z papiestwa i jej uznania ekonomicznych i handlowych korzyści płynących z obecności żydowskiej, rozkwitła pomimo ich uciskanie, rozwijanie bogatej kultury artystycznej i intelektualnej, której wpływ wykraczał daleko poza mur getto Żydów rzymskich, pod katem papiestwa, żyło w ubóstwie. 17 W różnych czasach w historii Europy Żydzi uciekli z innych krajów do Włoch w wyniku hiszpańskiego wypędzenia z 1492 r., Na przykład wiele włoskich społeczności żydowskich przybyło nowych członków, którzy ze względu na przepisy getta byli przez pod koniec XVI w. zazwyczaj wymagało uwielbienia w jednej synagodze pomimo różnych rytuałów, które rozwinęły się w wyniku diaspory. Podobnie jak ich weneckie współwyznawcy, Żydzi w Livorno rozkwitły pod Medici, którzy byli zainteresowani przyciąganiem kupców sefardyjskich wydalonych z Hiszpanii (Trivellato 2009). Habsburgowie podobnie widzieli zaletę Żydów z Triestu: wszyscy Żydowie, którzy mogli zwiększyć handel wolnym portem, byli mile widziani (Dubin 1996, 61) Żydzi Italyscy najpierw wyemancypowani przez podboju napoleońskim, ale prawa antyżydowskie zostały przywrócone przez Przywrócenie. Żydzi z Turynu wyemancypowani w 1848 roku przez Carlo Alberto Savoy, w tym czasie król Sardynii (w tym Piemont). Żydzi włoscy w znacznej mierze uczestniczyli i wspierali Risorgimento i zjednoczenie Włoch, dopóki Rzym nie został dodany do zjednoczonych Włoch, które wyzwolili Żydów rzymskich, a także różne zespoły we Włoszech, między nimi Rzym i Florencja wybudowali monumentalne synagogi w wyniku zjednoczenia . Jak pisze jeden z pisarzy, wśród Żydów emancypacja przyniosła eksplozję politycznej pasji ideom liberalno-socjalistycznym (Molinari 1995,7 na rolę Żydów grających w Zjednoczeniu Włoch, zob. Także Molinari 1991). During this same period, the papacy was resolutely opposed to Italian Unification (Webster 1960, 5-9), and, even after the founding of the state, discouraged Catholic participation in the political, social, and economic life of Italy a situation that remained until Mussolini signed, on behalf of King Victor Emanuel III, the 1929 Lateran Pacts. As a result of this history, it is misleading to speak chiefly of Jewish Italian assimilation, as the national identity of Italian Jews was formed contemporaneously with the process of Italian Unification (Molinari 1991, 26). Italian Jewish identity must be understood historically as in continual precarious balance between integration and assimilation (26). Prior to the 1938 racial laws, some Jews belonged to the Fascist party, while others opposed Fascism. Levis natal city of Turin was a center of resistance activity (Nezri-Dufour 2002, 20-21), and many of its intellectuals were members of the underground anti-Fascist organization Giustizia e libert (Ward 2007, 11). Founded in 1929, the organization had members both within Italy and abroad (Shain 2005, 99). It had a significant Jewish membership, and, in March of 1934, several of its members from Turin were arrested for anti-Fascist activity (Sarfatti 2006, 69-79 Zuccotti 1996, 28-29 Nezri-Dufour 2002, 21-22 Felice 2001, 134-37). Despite the fact that the members of the organization were not Zionists, the incident set off a debate in the Fascist press concerning whether or not Italian Jews loyalty was divided between Israel and the country of their citizenship. The question of Levis relationship to his Jewishness is a complex one. Levi wrote that it was only as an effect of the 1938 anti-Jewish laws and his deportation to Auschwitz that he came to see himself as Jewish (Levi 1984b, 376, Parussa 2005). 18 In one of his memoirs he describes being amazed that the end of the war did not bring an end to anti-Semitism (1987, 41). 19 Levis family was not religious but did celebrate certain holidays like Rosh Hashanah, Passover, and Purim (Levi 1984, 377). His parents had been married in the synagogue (Thomson 2002, 16) Levi was circumcised according to Jewish custom (Thomson 2002, 18) and had a Bar Mitzvah and the necessary religious training preceding that ceremony. 20 While Levi was far enough along in his own studies that anti-Jewish laws did not interrupt his university education, his younger sister was, like all Jewish children, expelled from her state school in 1938 (83-84). On the complexity of Levis identity, Nancy Harrowitz has argued that Levis family and Levi himself had a distinct Jewish identity, which was in part religious, and could not straightforwardly be labeled assimilated (Harrowitz 2007,18). Indeed, Levis family was typical of many other Italian Jewish families of the time in that they embraced a so-called secular or cultural Judaism (2007, 17 on such families and their identities as Jews, including Levis, see also Nezri-Dufour 2002, 13-19). Paola Valabrega (1997, 264) describes Levis as a typical Jewish family, depository of an atavistic code of values. She also emphasizes the way Levis Jewish identity was deeply tied to his family history and memories and identifies this fondness for the family (and the symbol of the family as haven) as a typically Jewish trope (268). Another important aspect of Levis Jewish identity was an association of Judaism with a passion for learning, subtle debate, and the world of books (Levi, cited in Nezri-Dufour 2002, 15). According to Levi and many other cultural Jews, this lack of orthodox religiosity was due to the fact that Jewish emancipation was the fruit of the secular character of the Italian Risorgimento (Levi 1984b, 76 Nezri-Dufour 2002, 17). In a 1984 interview, Levi stated, I am in favor of the integration of Jews in Italy, but not of their assimilation, their disappearance, the dissolution of their culture. Right here in Turin, there is an example of a Jewish community that is fully integrated into the life and culture of the city, but not assimilated(1984a). As we will see, however, Levis understanding of Italian Judaism, at least as summarized by Harrowitz, is not in keeping with the Comunit Ebraica di Romas Orthodoxy. As Harrowitz writes, Levis family was perhaps closer to what contemporary British or American Jews would call, respectively, Reform or Conservative Judaism (Harrowitz 2007, 17). Levi also resisted being categorized, in the United States in particular, as a Jewish writer (Cheyette 2007, 67). He is reputed to have said once, I dont like labels. Germans do (Angier 200 2, 645). On the other hand, according to one critic, Levi rarely missed an opportunity to identify himself as Jewish throughout his writings (Sungolowsky 2005, 75). This tension between Orthodoxy and Levis Judaism is perhaps most rigorously emblematized in the fact that the Jewish Museum of Rome both claims and does not claim Levi as one of the Comunits own. In mounting the Riverss exhibit and framing that exhibit via the above-cited comments by the Museums director, the Museum itself clearly construes Levi as not only Jewish but as a model of contemporary Italian Jewish identity. 21 Yet as I have mentioned, he is not named in the museums in situ wall commentary concerning the Comunits response to both the invasion of Lebanon and the events of Sabra and Shatila. As for Zionism, at least one biographer has argued that Levi was ambivalent, suggesting that, prior to the Shoah, while he admired the ideals of left-wing Zionism, he was not a Zionist himself (Angier 2002, 628). This same biography suggests this changed after the war, as Levi felt the Jews needed a home where they might be safe from persecution. 22 But immediately he had had doubts and reservations: about the Palestinian expulsions, about the nascent militarism of this homeland born of war (638). Levi visited Israel for the first and only time in 1968 and was disturbed by its militarism and the fact that securing a home for those Jews who had been dispersed by the Shoah occurred without regard to the Arabs living in the region (Thomson 200 2, 340-42). By the 1980s, Levi was one of the promoters of an appeal for withdrawal of the troops and for a peace process to guarantee a homeland to those who did not have one (Belpoliti 2001, xxv). Late in his career, he gave an interview in which he suggested that in the center of gravity of Jewish life was in the Diaspora and that he valued the dispersed, polycentric quality of Jewish culture ( 1984a 290-91). Since Emancipation, some Italian Jews were at best ambivalent about Zionism. 23 A phenomenon linked to Tarquinis analysis was raised often in post-emancipation defenses of Zionism, particularly when Mussolini made a point of questioning Italian Jews commitment to their nation. 24 As Rabbi Sonninos comments suggest, Italians had a long history of sending monetary contributions to poor Jews living in the Middle East. Michele Sarfatti refers to this as philanthropic Zionism, which also sought to free Jews from anti-Semitic persecution (Sarfatti 2006, 11-12). For at least some Italian Jews, however, this did not translate into support for a nascent Jewish state. An Italian historian of science has suggested that Italian Jewish support for Zionism was of only marginal significance until the pressure of the Fascist regime convinced the Jews to turn in that direction (Israel 2004). On the other hand, it has also been suggested that, by the beginning of the twentieth century, Italian rabbis supported Zionism almost without exception (Laquer 2003, 161). Bringing these two comments together, a noted Italian Jewish scholar argues that Italian Zionism before the racial laws was essentially the result of the actions of a group of rabbis (Segre 2000, 190). In any case, both prior to and following the war, Italian Jews did not immigrate in significant numbers to Israel. Historians have argued, however, that, following the war, changes in the leadership of the Comunit, on both the national and local levels specifically, the active part played in Jewish intellectual and cultural life by surviving anti-fascist, pro-Zionist Italian Jews led to a general acceptance of Zionism as a key reference point in Italian-Jewish identity(Schwarz 2009, 370). However, new instability arose when (beginning from 1956 but growing more obvious since 1967) a clearer anti-Zionist position emerged in these Communist and Socialist Italian political parties, unsettling the position of many individual Jews, as well as many Jewish youth organisations (Schwarz 2009, 371). Furthermore, in the post-war period, anti-Zionist feelings were still present within Italian Judaism, but they remained for the most part in the private sphere. (Schwarz 2017, 51). In order to understand Levis later response to Israeli military policies, we might place that response in the larger context of Italian politics and Italys relationship to Israel. On the occasion of the Six Day War, the majority of Italian political forces, the Italian press, and public opinion all sided with Israel, filtering the conflict through the prism of the common struggle against fascism and the memory of the racial persecution (Marzano and Schwarz 2017, 48 on this period, see also Molinari 1995, 28-45 Di Figlia 2017, 77). That war also exposed, however, divisions within the Italian government, but a compromise was arrived at thanks to Prime Minister Aldo Moro, who reaffirmed the right of every State to political independence, territorial integrity, and protection from threats and the use of force, but also considered it necessary to confront the question of the Israeli retreat from the occupied territories in view of a shared stable territorial arrangement of the various parties (Marzano and Schwarz 2017, 51). In 1969, Levi himself joined a protest against Israeli military policy, a protest headed by a group of left-wing Jewish intellectuals in Turin (Angier 2002, 628). Along with thirty others, he signed a document arguing that Palestinian guerrilla activity was not terrorism, but resistance (Molinari 1995, 56). and defining Israels actions as destined to augment extremist and expansionist positions within Israeli society (57). By the time of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the political climate began to change while the majority of Italian public opinion still favored Israel, there were increasing calls, by the leftist parties and press in particular, for the restitution of the territories occupied in 1967 and for the rights of the Palestinians to a national and autonomous entity (Achilli 1989, 187 Di Figlia 2017, 79-80). In 1975, in Levis home of Turin, a new journal, Ha-Keil (The Community), was launched by a group of progressive (their own term) leftist Jews who supported the birth of an independent Palestinian states alongside Israel (Molinari 1995, 87 Di Figlia 2017, 104-09). By the end of the 1970s, in Italy and elsewhere, the Palestinians had become a symbol of a global, revolutionary struggle against imperialism (Marzano and Schwarz 2017, 73). While Levi never equated the Palestinians with the Jewish victims of Fascist violence, according to one writer, he wished to situate the Holocaust in the context of global injustice (Cheyette 2007, 69). This situating included a critique of France in Algeria and the United States in Vietnam. US support for Israel contributed to the perception of the Palestinians as engaged in a struggle for national liberation. As early as 1967, some members of the Italian left were in fact comparing the Israelis to the French and the Americans (Molinari 1995, 33). In Italy, anti-Imperialist struggles took on the particular symbolic contours of the memory of the Resistance and antifascism, which in turn led in some quarters to an equating of the policies of the Israeli government with Nazism (Marzano and Schwarz 2017, 29). 25 By 1981, the situation was further complicated by a rise in right-wing anti-Semitism in Italy as well as anti-Semitic violence in Italy and abroad (100-104). By the time of the 1982 war in Lebanon, Italian public opinion was generally oriented toward a condemnation of Israel (Marzano and Schwarz 2017, 56). Levi has been described as a key figure for understanding the spirit of the time and someone who throughout the war in Lebanon received a great deal of media attention (157). Some of this attention was due to the recent release of his novel Se non ora, qunado Harrowitz characterizes these years as ones in which Levi tried to make the clear the distinctions between Jews and Zionists (Harrowitz 2007, 20). As a result of the 1982 war in Lebanon, termed Operation Peace in Galilee by the Israelis, many Jews living in the Diaspora questioned the relationship between their communities and the state of Israel (Sullam 2017). Opinion was divided on whether Israeli actions constituted a defensive or offensive war. Several Italian Jewish intellectuals, including Primo Levi, signed Perch Israele si ritiri, or Why Israel must withdraw, a condemnation, published June 16, 1982, of the invasion. 26 This document called for opposition to Begin and what the document characterized as the threat he represented, both to a democratic Israel and to the prospect of its peaceful coexistence with the Palestinian people (Scarpa and Soave 2017). It argued that to combat Begin means to combat the germs of a new anti-Semitism and called for the recognition of a Palestinian Resistance (cited in Molinari 1995, 106). On June 24, after calling Israel a country that feels like my second home, Levi stated his fear that the war in Lebanon, frightfully costly in terms of blood, inflicts on Judaism a degradation that can be curable only with difficulty and a tarnished image (1997, 1172). Three days later, in an interview in La Repubblica, Levi (1982b), while resisting the positing of an analogy between Hitlers Final Solution and the quite violent and quite terrible things the Israelis are doing today, nevertheless argued, a recent Palestinian diaspora exists that has something in common with the diaspora of two million years ago (cited in Scarpa and Soave, 2017). 27 On July 6, 1982, in part in response to Levis condemnation, Jewish journalist Rosellina Balbi published, also in La Repubblica, Davide, discolpatior David, defend yourself an article justifying Israels actions as defensive and arguing that any critique of the state of Israel has punctually provoked across Europe tremors of anti-Semitism (quoted in Baroz, 2017). Why Israel Must Withdraw was also critiqued by other Italian Jews, including rabbi Scialom Bahbout, described as one of the most charismatic of Rome (Molinari 1995, 106), and head rabbi Elio Toaff. The issue of the war in Lebanon was brought to a head with the revelation of the September 16-18 massacre of several thousand Palestinian men, women, and children at the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila. The massacre was perpetrated by Lebanese Christian Phalangists whom the Israeli army had invited into the camps (Mieli 2017 Shahid 2002, 38). 28 and to whom they had provided logistical and operational support (Shahid 2002, 42).Following the massacre, in an interview in La Repubblica . Levi called for the resignation of Begin (1982a, 295-303). Levi stated that for Begin, fascist is a definition I accept (1982a, 298). 29 About the failure of the Israeli army to intervene in the atrocities, Levi said, The massacre in these camps reminds me of what the Russians at Warsaw did in August of 1945 they stood by on Vistula while the Nazis exterminated Polish partisans. Certainly like all historical analogies, even mine is inexact. But Israel, like the Soviets then, could have intervened (1982, 301). The next day, he and other Italian Jews demonstrated outside the Israeli embassy (Cicioni 1995, 129). This demonstration revealed the rift between the two spirits of the Italian Comunit, for the traditional and popular base of Roman Judaism was absent from the demonstration (Molinari 1995, 107). In 1983, an International Commission on the deaths at Sabra and Shatila concluded that Israel had violated international law, systematically refused to settle its disputes peacefully (MacBride et al 1983, 128) and played a facilitative role in the actual killings (130). The publication in 2017 of Matteo Di Figlias excellent Israele e la Sinistra . exploring the period from 1945 to today, reinvigorated the debates around Levis politics, prompting commentary from all sides of the political spectrum. 30 Figlias book takes as its project a rereading of the participation of Jews and the Italian Left in the debates on Israel, seeking to complicate the treating of both Jews and the Left as monolithic and tracing out the specific trajectory of the thinking of individual Italian Jewish intellectuals. For example, he offers a more nuanced argument than the claim that those on the Italian left who pursued a pro-Palestinian line were simply following the lead of Cold War Moscow. Until the end of his life, Levi continued to speak out against Israeli military policy when it went beyond what he perceived as defensive. Following his death, and in a kind of summa of Levis sensibility, Stefano Levi Della Torre (1997) a painter, scholar, professor of architecture, and cousin of Levis wrote that Primo was considered by some an irritating character: the more embarrassing a critic, the more morally and intellectually authoritative, and representative of the most terrible of Jewish experiences. But for those Jews who envisaged Hahavat Israel, love for Israel, love for justice as well, and for that tolerance that is founded on memory (Do not oppress a stranger, because you yourselves already know how it feels to be a stranger, because you were strangers in Egypt, Exodus 23:9), Primo Levi was instead a teacher maestro , despite that, as often is the case with teachers, he had neither the intention nor the presumption to be one. (261-262) In 1987, shortly after Levis death, Gianni Agnelli commissioned Larry Rivers to create a portrait that would commemorate both the writer and at the same time the Jews exterminated by the Nazis. Agnelli Fiat heir and tabloid and political figure had studied in the same Turin liceo as Levi. 31 31 Riverss portraits thus constitute a kind of historiography as well as a premonition of what will be the aesthetic turn in political science. Yet it is one that, via its formal properties, is arguably not a history that would seek to identify, and thus stabilize, the meaning of an event or a person (Freccero 2006, 74). Reflecting Riverss aesthetic a mingling of influences from abstract expressionism, cubist collage, and pop art the portraits are assemblages: photographic images of Levi silk-screened, la Andy Warhol, on canvas that has then been mounted on molded polyurethane foam, attached to a background and supplemented with additional images: painted and drawn directly on the canvas or modeled in polyurethane, abstract and representational. The effect is that of a reassembled three-dimensional puzzle hung vertically, Levi having been pieced together by Rivers from the traces left behind after his death. 32 Riverss developed some of these techniques, and their use in the depiction of Holocaust images, in his 1981 Four Seasons at Birkenau. A photograph of Jewish civilian prisoners in a forest is reproduced on foam core. Rivers then alters the image by drawing over it with colored pencils, cutting out various figures (people and trees) and pasting them on top of another piece of form core onto which the artist has drawn additional figures and trees. As in the case of the Levi portraits, an image has been both appropriated by the artist and altered. Being images of images, the portraits, like Four Seasons . seek to circumvent what Walter Benjamin so famously called the art works aura, as the presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity (2017). Riverss deconstruction of authenticity is of a piece with the spectrality of the portraits, suggesting that we inherit not what really happened to the dead but what lives on from that happening, what is conjured from it, how past generations and events occupy the force fields of the present, how they claim us, and how they haunt, plague, and inspirit our imaginations and visions for the future (Brown 2001, 150). It suggests the way that art in the age of mechanical reproduction might contain certain conditions of possibility whereby we might seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger whether that moment be the one in which the portraits were commissioned or the one we inhabit today (Benjamin 1968, 255). Four Season at Birkenau has a particularly complex relationship to linear perspective, as Rivers has disassembled a photograph (which relies for its illusion of three dimensions on the technology of the camera lens) and then reassembled it in a way that adopts from other representational systems alternative methods for creating the illusion of depth, such as layering images on top of one another and using the lower half of the canvas space to represent foreground and the upper half to represent distance. Employed in the painting of religious icons, for example, these precursors to linear perspective are rescued from the trash dump of history and cited by Rivers. Of course, Renaissance painting made use of a whole series of techniques, including the layering of images on top of one another, to create the illusion of depth. When juxtaposed with the rendering of perspective via a photograph, however, the inferiority of these other techniques (in terms of the degree to which they convey the illusion of depth) is foregrounded. These non-Renaissance means of imagining canvas space also refer in complex ways to forms of illustration like comics and advertising. On the one hand, comics often also reject perspective for other means of creating depth, and the Levi portraits in fact have a cartoon like quality that emphasizes drawing (and draftsmanship) over painting. On the other, Riverss use of photographs suggests advertisings exploitation of cheap methods of color photography to create the illusion of an image that the consumer might possess. Riverss techniques of disassembly and over-drawing work against this particular aspect of advertising, perhaps constituting a version of Benjamins envisioned dialectical response to the invention of cheap forms of mechanical reproduction, the withering of the art works aura, and the phony spell of a commodity (1936). In contradistinction to Warhol, rather than musing primarily on the status of publicity, public relations, advertising, and news in commodity culture, Rivers focuses on historical and cultural icons and then alters them via drawing, painting, and sculpting. 33 Riverss appropriations are characterized by a more obvious intervention of the artists hand than Warhols, in the form of both painting and drawing over the silk-screened photographs, in this case indicating a working over rather than a monumentalizing (in the Nietzschian sense) or even an advertising of a fixed image of Levi. Riverss works are thus a visual analogy for the post-war debates in cultural theory concerning the role of human agency in what is increasingly experienced as our collective subjection and subjugation to cultural, economic, and historical forces beyond the control of the individual. Additionally, the playfulness of Riverss pop aesthetic mitigates what Cheyette terms a tendency to appropriate Levi as symbol of Christian redemption via suffering, for example (2007, 69). The title of one of the portraits, Witness, is a word Levi used to refer to himself, opposing it to both victim and one who seeks revenge (cited in Cheyette 2007, 70). Riverss re-imaging of canvas space and combining of media result in what Leo Steinberg so famously categorized as works that no longer simulate vertical fields, but opaque flatbed horizontals (Steinberg 1972, 44). The Levi portraits make symbolic allusion to hard surfaces such as tabletops, studio floors, charts, bulletin boards any receptor surface on which objects are scattered, on which data is entered, on which information may be received, printed, impressed whether coherently or in confusion (44). For while the portraits hang so that they are oriented to the standing human being, the works do not depend on this head - to-toe orientation any more than newspapers or the photographs on which the portraits were based do. They exemplify Steinbergs flatbed picture plane, referring not to the analogue of visual experience of nature but of operational processes (1972, 84). Such an aesthetic suggests that the meaning of Levi is not transparent or self-evident but must be arrived at via labor another way in which Riverss portraits are not simple appropriations but rather reinventions of Levi. Like the work of survival and mourning, Rivers techniques are a working over and through historical trauma. Rivers has taken on aesthetically the problem of representing what in static images is unrepresentable: the temporal and spatial simultaneity of past and present that occurs in the act of remembering, memorys layering of the past over and under the present the spatio-temporal discontinuity between the past and present the almost unfathomable cruelty of the Shoah Levis representation of that cruelty in prose, in Se Questo un uomo specifically, that refuses to turn away from or even sentimentalize its horrors. That is, refusing the critical orthodoxy of the logic that dictates that only a documentary aesthetic is adequate to the representing of the Holocaust, Rivers has attempted to create a plastic equivalent of what it means to be a survivor of a historical trauma (on this orthodoxy, see Cheyette 2007, 68). Riverss layering of images on images doubles Levi so that his torso and face, when shown in profile appear to cast a shadow, but that shadow is itself constructed of foam core. In Survivor . for example, Levis right hand (which touches his chin), his nose, his lips, his shirt pocket and sleeves, and the nose of an internee are all modeled of polyurethane and layered on top of Levis original image, such that Rivers is building images upon images. Depending on how an exhibition space is lit, these raised areas will themselves cast shadows on the canvas, the irregularity of the layering ensuring that almost any lighting whatsoever will produce shadow somewhere on the portraits. As a survivor, Levi is always somewhere marked by shadow but also by light. But not content simply to add to the canvas, Rivers also subtracts, cutting out sections. In Periodic Table . the doors of the crematory oven have been layered atop the canvas, as if the ovens had been constructed and then hollowed out to create their depth. Layered over the hollowed-out space are burning objects, and names of some of the elements are written in cursive script on the ovens emphasizing the canvass flatness, as if it were a chalkboard. In Survivor . part of Levis forehead has been removed and an internees head inserted into it. (For an image of the photograph from which the internee is drawn, see Hunter 1989,52). These techniques foreground the constructedness of the image, re-introducing the artists hand into the work not in a gesture of self-expression but as a reminder of the iconicity of Levi and the construction of Levi as icon. Riverss work, then, is figurative without being realist (Jodidio 1990, 77) as well as a negative intervention in what Benjamin (1968) called the long-since-counterfeit wealth of creative personality (232). Another interesting technique of layering is the use of paint itself to connect the present with the past, sometimes represented on different spatial planes. For example, in Survivor . the past, represented by the stripes of a concentration camp internees uniform, bleed onto the portrait of Levi layered on top of the canvas. In Periodic Table . four black stripes, like the shadows of prison bars, connect a crematory oven with Levis portrait, which is layered on top of the oven. In Witness . Levis hair blends into the smoke from a crematorium, both painted in thick impasto. But this relationship in both portraits between past as background and present as foreground is simultaneously reversed: in Periodic Table . the left side of the crematory oven has been painted over Levi as survivor, but in such a way as to leave the writer visible. That is, the crematory oven is neither behind nor in front of Levi, but both at the same time (and vice versa), as if Levis head were partially translucent. Similarly, in Survivor . the internee is behind and on top of Levi at the same time, for while Levi is layered on top of the prisoners torso, the stripes from his uniform are painted on Levis face, and while Levis face is on the plane closest to the spectator, a space has been carved into Levis forehead, and the internees head inserted into it. Perhaps most startlingly and with much virtuosity, in Witness . a portrait of Levi has been placed onto the canvas-covered foam core surface, but then another picture has been literally carved into the writer. In an ironic use of trompe loeil, a barbed wire fence and a set of train tracks seem to be receding into Levis body. In the foreground are images of children of the Shoah, layered on top of the canvas and painted with varying degrees of abstraction. Levi himself is then placed in a room that resembles a bunker, but one apparently filled with the smoke of the crematory ovens, his hands, themselves on different planes, struggling to grasp the young victims. In all of these instances, though to varying degrees, Levi has been rendered translucent, his bodily identity and boundaries interrupted by memories and reminders of the Shoah. For the photographs from which all of the portraits have been constructed are from his years after having been an internee. The sum of these techniques is a brilliant paradox. In all three cases, the boundaries between Levi and the past have been both erased and reasserted. Present and past interrupt one another, not only temporally but spatially. Levi as survivor is behind, in front of, and traversed by images of the Shoah. The black lines that in two of the portraits traverse Levis face, while literally connecting the contemporary image of Levi to an image of the past, also reference both carbon and ash as the brochure for the exhibition reminds us, il carbone ha la stessa valenza della cenere, carbon has the same valence as ash. Carbon is the main element in all organic matter ash signifies both the horrors of the Shoah ovens and refers to Gods punishment of Adam and Eve in Genesis 3:19. In a related vein, the brochure mentions Riverss technique of cancellation, wherein the artist drew and then partially erased images. A technique Rivers developed via a series of drawings of Holocaust victims, this erasing is similar to the painting techniques employed by Rivers in the Levi portraits in at least two respects. On the one hand, it is another version of rendering the Holocaust victim translucent, there and not there at the same time, for, in the canceled drawings, parts of the figures have been erased. On the other, the erasing techniques lighten the hues of the colors and blur the drawings lines, creating diffuse patches and swaths of color. The ashy stripes and washes in the Levi portraits are thus painterly versions of cancellation, the washes re-presenting both color and its subtraction, the presence of the artist and his subtraction the lifework is preserved in this work and at the same time canceled (Benjamin 1968, 263). 34 Additionally, Riverss washes of color and stripes also refer to American abstract expressionism, and in complex, ironic ways. For here and elsewhere, Rivers seems to be exploiting and commenting upon, in a mannerist fashion, the conceit of painting as gesture, as his contemporary Jasper Johns also did (On Riverss influence on Johns, see Hunter 1989 , 25). On the one hand, the lines, as well as the loose, abstract shapes and washes of color that appear in all three canvases, reassert the flatness of those canvases. Spread across the canvas surfaces, the patches of color obstruct attempts to read the image perspectivally. Countering Rivers building up of raised areas as well as those areas where he has resorted to the use of linear perspective the crematory ovens of Perodic Table . the receding train tracks and barbed wire fence of Witness the lines and washes of color create an interesting visual tension between the two and three dimensional that adds to the paintings deconstruction of a series of binary opposites: not simply flatnessdepth but also foregroundbackground, pastpresent, insideoutside, presentabsent. Complicating this tension even further is Riverss use of these washes of color in a more traditional manner to shade Levis face and body. Once again, Rivers combines different representational systems simultaneously. Riverss critically reflexive appropriation of painting as gesture suggests that, in a post-Shoah world the very world in which the American expressionists stole the idea of modern art (Guilbaut 1985) the conceit of art as a vehicle for either self-expression or transcendence of material reality is obscene. In a related vein, in all three portraits, the abstract patches also read as so much dust taking us back to the tropes of carbon and erasure. This is particularly true of Periodic Table . where the white painted areas dirtying Levis black suit resemble ashes from the crematory ovens. Similarly, in Witness, the smoke and ash from the ovens threatens to overtake the bunker and, as in the previous painting, Levis jacket is stained by abstract washes of color. The palette of all three canvases call up images of fire (via Levis skin tones in particular, but also, in Witness . the wash of color that connects Levis body with both the bunker in which he has been placed and the train tracks, barbed wire, and children) and ash. The Exhibition Context of the Portraits 35 In addition to the portraits, other elements of the exhibition included three photographic portraits of Levi three glass cases and commentary on the exhibition in the form of wall text (much of it reproduced, though in a different order, in the Italian language exhibition brochure) as well as the words, painted on the wall in Levis own hand-writing, of the poem with which Se questo un uomo opens, Shem, itself the name of the central prayer in Judaism (Harrowitz 2007, 28).Read scrupulously, this context is highly contradictory, a site in which competing models of a relation to the past are juxtaposed, sometimes even in the same artifact. For example, the preservation of Levis handwriting on the wall serves, in the space of a museum, an auratic function like expressionist painting, it preserves traces of the dead authors human presence. But the colored script also calls up the image of so much graffiti. Perhaps not surprisingly, although the exhibit has since closed, Levis poem remains on the museums walls. The first glass case contained the manuscript of La Bambina di Pompeii , a poem published first in La Stamp . December, 23, 1978, and successively in the collection Ad ora incerta of 1984. Riverss drawing technique of cancellation and its painterly phantom double have the paradoxical effect of making present an absence, much the way ash is an index of what no longer exists. La Bambina is similarly about the presence of absence, for it recounts the traces in the present of murdered children. The plaster cast of one of Pompeiis victims, the writings of Anne Frank, a Japanese schoolgirl transformed by Hiroshima into ombra confitta nel muro dalla luce di mille soli, (shadow driven into the wall by the light of a thousand suns): each is the visible reminder of a child erased from existence. As we will see, these images in turn potentially resonate with the wall text left in situ and its reminder of the children murdered in the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. However, the enclosing of the manuscript in a glass case repeats the monumentalizing gesture of the other glass cases. They seek to reinvest the mechanically produced objects they contain with aura by conferring on them a unique existence in the space and time of the exhibit. If the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition, the enclosure of that object in a glass case re-endows the object with cult value (Benjamin 1936). Thus a first (1947) edition of Se questo . open to the first page of the chapter Il Viaggio, occupied the second glass case. The page describes the February 21, 1944 announcement that all Jews currently interned at Fossoli were to be deported: Per ognuno che fosse mancato allappello, dieci sarebbero stati fucilatifor each one missing at the roll call, ten will be executed. The third case contained a leaflet advertising this same novel, on the back of which (and thus unable to be seen) was a print of the manuscript of Shem. The leaflet copy does not mention Levis Jewishness, but perhaps this is simply because his name would be recognized as of Jewish origin. Three oversize black and white photographic portraits hung on one wall of the room. They include a portrait of a smiling young Levi seated on a bench in a garden at the home of his maternal grandparents an image of the post-Shoah Levi in profile posed in front of a photograph of an internee lying in his bunk, the wideness of the latters gaze paradoxically suggesting both life and death simultaneously a photo of Levi surrounded by students from the Scuola Media Rosselli. The overall effect of these photographs is haunting, as they remind us of Levis past (Levi portrayed as an adolescent, at an age where his arms and legs have grown so fast that they seem too long for his body) his survivor present, as depicted in the two portraits from the post-Shoah years and his future death under ambiguous circumstances. But the photographs themselves are of little value, inexpensive reproductions of casual snapshots. The Portraits in the Context of the Emancipation Room In terms of what was left in situ in the room, these included a camp uniform and other objects from the post-emancipation period, including an 1860 Chair of the Prophet Elijah used for circumcisions, sketches and a model from the competition for the building of the Tempio Maggiore . two contemporary art works, and a portrait of Samuele Alatri, Jewish Italian patriot and politician. On the wall of this room is a text in Italian, English, and Hebrew, labeled Rome and Israel. This text narrates the history of Roman Zionism from the turn of the twentieth century to the present. It asserts that the entire community has always stood side by side with the Jewish state ((Di Castro 2017, 61), organizing aid and assistance during all of Israels wars (wall text). But, seemingly contradicting itself, the text then references some of the aforementioned events of 1982. In that year, When the Israeli army was forced to defend the countrys northern border with Lebanon from Palestinian sic, a group strongly critical of Israeli policy arose within the Jewish community of Rome. An appeal published in the Rome daily La Repubblica after the widely discussed massacres of Sabra and Shatila, signed by numerous Jewish intellectuals, was the first, painful division of the community over the subject of Israel (61). 36 Note how, though unnamed, Jews (like Levi) who protested Israeli military policy are also construed as belonging to the Roman Comunit. According to Ward, Levi was not living in Rome at this time (Ward 2007, 3). Levi is thus, however inadvertently, construed as simulta neously belonging and not belonging to the Comunit. The museum is not alone in this regard, as at least one other historian refers to these events as having revealed cleavages within le Comunit ebraiche (Molinari 1995, 106). As the previous discussion of Italian Zionism suggests, these comments are perhaps a bit misleading, in part the result of the ambiguity around just what constitutes the Jewish community versus those inscribed in the register of the Comunit. Rome and Israel specifically cites Dante Lattes as one of the figures responsible for the spread to Rome of what it terms political Zionism ((Di Castro 2017, 58). Lattes Ed il libro however, had expressed concerns over the way some aspects of post-emancipation Italian national identity seemed to undercut Jewish cultural and religious identity a point the guidebook does not mention. Although, in a discussion of Enzo Sereni, the guidebook mentions the pioneering, Socialist wing of Zionism, the birth of the state of Israel is constructed as a narrative that leads directly from Socialist to Political Zionism the comments that the Comunit has always stood by Israel are prefaced by a comment that it was led in this direction first by Rabbi David Prato, an ardent Zionist ((Di Castro 2017, 61). Sereni occupies a crucial role in the museums constructing of the link between Zionism and Roman Jewish anti-fascism, as when the museum text describes him and his wife as two people destined to make a n enormous contribution to the history of the future state of Israel, Enzo to the ultimate sacrifice, in 1944, parachuting beyond German lines in his attempt to save the Jews of Rome from the Nazis. Fascism was an ultra-nationalist ethos whose adherents in Italy forced Jews to side with the Italian state by denying Zionism and a universal Jewish identity. After the Holocaust, the effect of this refusal of temporal continuity in Italy was a collapsing of the past with the present. At the museum, the Roman Jewish community is presented as always Zionist, as in commentary such as It is no accident that one of the first, most active sections of the Italian Zionist Federation was founded in Rome, where the group Avoda was formed ((Di Castro 2017, 61). Clearly, one of the things at stake in the museums claim is, intentional or not, an attempt to draw boundaries separating the Italian Jewish Comunit as represented by its leadership in particular from the Italian Jewish community and, in the process, produce a particular version of Roman Jewish history. The museums phrase side by side with Jewish state may refer, then, to the period following the actual foundation of the state of Israel. More pertinently to the present argument, however, the letter signed by Roman Jewish intellectuals, including Levi, was published before the massacres, not in response to them. In other words, opposition among some Italian Jews to Israeli military policy predates the infamous events o f Sabra and Shatila. The text also admits, however, that within the community, diverse views with respect to the state of Israels government and defense policies coexist. Nonetheless, there seems to be no space in the museum whatsoever for a discussion of a two-state solution, Israel having risen, like a mythical phoenix, out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire (Di Castro 2017, 34) the Arabs living in the region are typically cast as perpetrators of violence (34), and the Israeli armys actions as defensive (61). In the section of the museum on Libyan Jews, times in the past when Jews, Christians, and Muslims lived together in peace in the Middle East are trivialized by the suggestion that it was only by paying taxes to the Muslims that Jews were granted a modicum of tolerance. (Interestingly, Julius Caesar, who also taxed the Jews, is instead referred to as their protector (Di Castro 2017, 36). While the museum laments that expelled Libyan Jews were never compensated for their lost property, no such suggestion of the need for recompense is made concerning displaced Palestinians. In a film that now plays in the Emancipation room, the expulsion of Jews from Libya is referred to as a diaspora and compared to the Spanish expulsion of 1492 no mention is made in the film of the Italian colonization of Libya. In this same film, the problem of the 1982 invasion of Lebanon is framed as one of public relations, Israel not having adequately explained to the rest of the world its actions. As I have already noted in my discussion of its statement on the obligation that men cover their heads, the museum explicitly defines Roman Jews as Orthodox, as this quotation, from the room From Judaei to Jews reiterates: Along with the Orthodox tradition (the point of reference of It alian and Roman Jewry, even if not everyone in private observes every single commandment), modern Judaism comprises other movements. Especially in the English-speaking countries, these movements aim to modernize some exterior aspects of Judaism (Conservative Judaism) or otherwise do not consider themselves strictly bound by tradition (Reform or Liberal Judaism) (Di Castro 2017, 31). According to Bassi, Italian Judaism today is characterized by an approximate and selective observance of halakh (2017, 252) on the order of what is sometimes called, according to its detractors, cafeteria Catholicism (254). Apparently, the museum does not feel authorized to make this claim, and so it fudges the question (and attempts to head off controversy) via the phrase every single commandment. This explanation of a lived Orthodoxy that includes a certain flexibility in ones private practice of Judaism, however, is complicated by the fact that what counts as every single commandment cannot be broached by the museum without risk of alienating either Orthodox or reform-minded Italian Jews 8212 though, in characteristic Orthodox fashion, the museum does argue that the Jewish woman plays a particularly marked role in maintaining the 613 mitzvot . (Bassi 2017, 267-68 offers a pointed critique of this type of pseudo-feminism). Orthodoxy is also not in keeping with Levis concept of integration as the museum stresses, Orthodoxy can only be maintained via a closed community that can ensure the maintenance of tradition, particularly in the Diaspora. Additionally: clearly, wearing a yarmulke at all times is not a private act, and the exhibitions multiple images of Primo Levi minus a yarmulke provoke a compelling dissonance concerning Italian Jewish identity, regardless of the museums stated intentions. What the museums comments on Orthodoxy elide is that, associated with the World Union for Progressive Judaism, reform congregations currently exist in Florence and Milan (where there are two), and, most recently, Rome. 37 These congregations are not recognized, however, by the Unione delle Comunit Ebraiche Italiane, or UCEI, the official legal representative of Italian Judaism. 38 To quote one blog writer, To be a Reform Jew in Italy is to struggle with invisibility (Reliable Narrator, 2017). (Virtually every single time I have taken the museums tour of the Synagogue, visitors have been told that all Italian Jews are Orthodox.) Finally, apparently, in Italy, religious orthodoxy and a critique of the military policies of the state of Israel are incompatible, the UCEI recognizing the centrality of the State of Israel for contemporary Jewish identity. Such a centering of Jewish life on the State of Israel is not in keeping with the Levi who valued the hybridity and polyvocality of the Diaspora and the vital role it plays in maintaining a vibrant contemporary Judaism. It also simplifies the complex historical relationship between Italian Jewish identity, Israel, and religious orthodoxy a relationship explored in the popular Jewish press perhaps most frequently by Anna Momigliano (2018), who most recently has suggested that with the recent death of Romes Rabbi Toaff will come a bowing to Israeli orthodoxy by young Italian rabbis. As Bassi similarly suggests, If historically Italian Jewish culture was distinguished by its elasticity and permeability, today it seems increasingly to appear provincial and conformist (2017. 20). Finally, this centering of Jewish life on the state of Israel feeds into a general denial of non-Zionist Jewish experience perpetrated by the state in pursuit of its highly partisan ends. 39 The LeviRivers exhibition invites controversy and commentary, but only if one already knows something of the history of Italian (and Roman) Jewry. What it does not do is offer experiments with exhibition design in such a way as to offer multiple perspectives or to reveal the tendentiousness of the approach taken (Lavine and Karp 1995, 6). On the one hand, the juxtaposition of the Levi exhibition with the other objects in the Novecento (1900s) room seems perfectly appropriate and non-controversial the Shoah is part of twentieth-century Italian Jewish history, and Levi was not only a survivor of it but an important writer and intellectual figure. On the other hand, while a matter of public record, Levis critique of Israeli military policy of the 1980s is likely unknown to non-Italian visitors to the museum, and the myriad, hybrid, and complex ways in which Italian Jews live their identities is not likely to be foregrounded by a museum that both links the past, present, and future of Italian Jews to Zionism and privileges Orthodox Judaism. This, despite the fact that the turn of the last century saw according to one writer a paradox characterized by a Jewish community (the writer specifically uses here the lowercase comunit ) completely assimilated yet proud of its particularism and eager to discuss publicly and with much passion problems of national-religious identity, of orthodoxy, of a specifically Jewish morality (Dan Segre 1995, xi). This portrait clearly contrasts with calls to police more rigorously, for signs of leftist and allegedly anti-Semitic critiques of Israel, the Italian Jewish press (Volli, 2017). Johnathan Flatley (2008) locates in modernist aesthetics the desire to find a way to map out and get a grasp on the new affective terrain of modernity (4). For Flatley, that terrain is melancholy. Reading Benjamin, Flatley suggests that a range of historical processes, such as urbanization, the commodity, new forms of technologized war, and factory work required people to shield themselves from the material world around them, to stop being emotionally open to that world and the people in it (69). That shielding or loss of experience results in a collective and historically specific affect, melancholy. World War II and the Shoah represent one of the most horrific events of the modern era, and, as Levis work so clearly illustrates, one of the ways of surviving the lager was precisely to cease feeling empathy for ones fellow sufferers. Levi provides, among other examples, that of old Kuhn, who sat in his bunk saying loud prayers of thanks to God that he had not been chosen for selection, while, in the bunk across from him, twenty-year-old Beppo the Greek, who knew that he would die in the gas chamber within a few days, stared fixedly at the light bulb (Levi 2005, 116). As Levi puts it, Kuhn un insensato. Clearly, like Levis work, Riverss portraits are a testament to a peculiarly modern form of melancholy one whose trauma hopefully will never be forgotten and whose loss is experienced consciously. Such an account of irreparable, conscious loss is also at odds with Freuds (pre-Shoah) understanding of the work of mourning and its eventual giving up of the cathexis to the lost object, whereby deference for reality gains the day (1917, 166). Freuds account of the difference between mourning and melancholia, wherein, in the case of the latter, the mourner experiences unconscious loss (166) and displays something which is lacking in grief an extraordinary fall in his self-esteem, an impoverishment of his ego on a grand scale (167) is likewise flawed. For, in the case of collective devastations like the Holocaust or HIV, melancholy seems not a pathology but rather an appropriate psychic response involving both conscious and unconscious processes (Crimp, 2002). As Flatley (2008) suggests, for Benjamin, Melancholia is not a problem to be cured loss is not something to get over and leave behind (64) or as Derrida (1994) writes, in fact and by right interminable, without possible normality, without reliable limit (97). In his work on spectrality, Derrida argues that certain types of mourning respond to the injunction of a justice which, beyond right or law, rises up in the very respect owed to whoever is not, no longer or not yet, living, presently living (97). Similarly, Flatley argues for the importance of an antidepressive, political, and politicizing melancholia (27), one whose purpose is to allow for the historicization of affect and presumably a collective recognition of and response to its causes. Flatley specifically privileges aesthetic experiences that produce in the spectator a sense of self-estrangement, a de-familiarization of ones own (melancholic) emotional life that makes possible a new kind of recognition, interest, and analysis (80). Following Adorno, he suggests that, in its non coincidence with the historical present, the art work makes possible an alternative to what currently exists (81). It is a form of knowledge that resists instrumentalization. At the same time, from the point of view of its reception in particular, art works bring affects into existence in forms and in relation to objects that otherwise might not exist (81), or as Deleuze and Guattari (1994) suggest, Art undoes the triple organization of perceptions, affections, and opinions in order to substitute a monument composed of percepts, affects, and blocks of sensation that take the place of language (176). Riverss portraits of Primo Levi are examples of the politicized modernist melancholy charted by Flatley. They are overt attempts to defamiliarize Levi by appropriating and altering photographs of the writer and processing them through an aesthetic vocabulary that rewrites both the romantic isolationism of abstract expressionism and what John Berger (1972) has called the eventlessness of contemporary advertising, wherein all real events are exceptional and happen only to strangers (153). Specifically, in place of publicitys fascination with surface and, by extension, a future continually deferred (153) one in which the consumerspectators life has been made better via the acquisition of the advertised commodity Riverss portraits of Levi interrupt the hermetic time and space of Renaissance painting. Their refusal to respect what, owing to his status as survivor and the circumstances of his death is, in Levis case in particular, the integrity (and sanctity) of the photographic portrait their playful commentary on perspective their refusal to let the images speak for themselves all are precisely an attack on the aura of the work of art, a notion that, in a post-Shoah world, can no longer be tolerated. But in place of Warhols postmodern abandonment of critique, Rivers uses the techniques of the mass media, its determination to turn the present into yesterdays news, in the service of a monumental act of remembrance and mourning (the size of these canvases also being pertinent here.) 40 In the chapter of Se Questo un uomo titled Sul Fondo, Levi describes his arrival at the concentration camp. After having been separated from the women and children, the ninety-six exhausted, hungry, and thirsty internees who had managed to survive the initial selection were then transported by truck to the camp, la Buna, made to strip naked, and then herded into a shower where they were shaved, sheared of their hair, disinfected, handed shoes and a striped uniform, and then forced to run through the snow to a barracks, where they were allowed to dress. Levi writes, Now for the first time we realized that our language lacked words to express this offense, the destruction of a man (2005, 23. Out of the more than five hundred Italian Jews in Levis convoy, only these ninety some men and twenty-nine women survived this initial selection 2005,17). Riverss aesthetic of layering and painting over photographs of Levi is a visual analogy for the attempt to rebuild the survivor, to restore to him something of his humanness and to harness an antidepressive melancholy for the almost impossible task of historicizing the Shoah and its aftermath. That Rivers received the commission for the portraits of Levi shortly after the writers death suggests the ways Levi as icon continues to be inhabited, perhaps haunted, by meaning. Particularly pertinent in this context are Riverss formal innovations and the way they re-produce Levi as ghost via traces in the form of erasing, photographs of photographs, paintings of photographs, and so forth. Given Israels continued military actions in Gaza and the West Bank, Hamas response, and the way that, in public debate, certain figures and tropes from the past have recently returned to haunt the present from an anti-Semitism that holds all Jews responsible for the violence perpetrated by the current Israeli government against the Palestinians, to the equating of all Palestinians with terrorists, to the insistence that any critique whatsoever of Zionism is anti-Semitic, to the continued morbid attraction for the formula of the victims turned torturers (Marzano and Schwarz 2017, 161), Riverss portraits allow Levi to continue to call us to address a wrong. Their exhibition is political in the precise sense of making possible a space from which we might challenge one version of the social world the claim that the Palestinians as a people dont exist, or already have a state (Jordan), or the remainder of the litany of excuses provided by the defenders of the violence of various Israeli governments and their United States supporters with an act of dissensus. Achilli, Michelle. 1989. I socialisti tra Israele e Palestina (dal 1892 ai nostri giorni.) Milan: Marzoratti. Angier, Carole. 2002. The Double Bond: Primo Levi, A Biography . New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux. Baroz, Emanel. 2017. Cronaca di come la propaganda propalestinese abbia mistificato il suo pensiero. 12 April. Focus on Israel . Francesco Lucrezi. Le vere parole di Levi. focusonisrael. org20170412primo-levi-palestinesi-ebrei. Accessed August 31, 2017. Bassi, Shaul. 2017. Essere qualcun altro. Ebrei postmoderni e postcoloniali . Venezia: Cafoscarina. 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Witness is based on a 1988 pencil and pastel drawing on the same subject. Back to essay 2. On the importance of Levis natal city of Turin to his life and work, see Ward 2007. Back to essay 3. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own. Back to essay 4. I employ this admittedly awkward phrase affiliated with to indicate anyone regardless of his or her cultural or religious identity who is invested, affectively and intellectually, in the question of Palestinian-Israeli relations and how the traces of Primo Levi in the present might help us to answer that question. On affiliation as a critical concept, see Said 1984. Back to essay 5. Dean here is paraphrasing Laclau 1996. Back to essay 6. On June 29, 1982, Filippo Gentiloni published an article that first quoted a line from Levis novel Se non ora, quando (If Not Now, When) . published in April of that year: Everyone is the Jew of Someone(Levi 1997, 427). Gentiloni then added, in his own words, E oggi i palestinesi sono gli ebrei degli israeliani (And today the Palestinians are the Jews of the Israelis. Scarpa and Soave 2102). Sometime subsequently, the two phrases mutated into a single syllogism attributed to Levi. Thirty years later, Domenico Scarpa and Irene Soave published an essay that revealed that the insidious syllogism mis-attributed to Levi and widely disseminated via the internet was in fact written by Gentiloni. The two phrases were both attributed to Levi by Carole Angier (2002, 628), and when Joan Acocella reviewed Angiers book in the New Yorker . she simply cited what she had read. Scarpa and Soave blame Acocella for the false aphorism. For an alternative reading of the syllogism and its conditions of possibility, see Perugini, Nicola and Francesco Zucconi 2017. One of the many people who, in the years between 1982 and 2017, had repeated this syllogism was Jewish scholar Judith Butler (2004). Butlers comments were originally delivered at the Second International Conference on an End to the Occupation, A Just Peace in Israel-Palestine: Towards an Active International Network in East Jerusalem, January 4th-5th, 2004. In the talk, Butler identifies herself as a diasporic Jew of Ashkenazi origin. On responses to Butlers work on IsraelPalestine, see Magid 2017. I thank Guri Schwartz for bringing these works to my attention. Magid specifically argues that Butlers critics conflate a critique of Zionism with anti-Semitism (237). In an epigraph to the article, Magid repeats the oft-cited syllogism. Unfortunately, like Butler, he mis-attributes it to Levi. Scarpa and Soaves essay was also widely discussed on the internet one response, for example, was titled chronicle of how the pro-Palestinian propaganda has mystified the thoughts of Levi (Baroz 2017). Back to essay 7. On the aesthetic turn, see, for example, Shapiro 2103. On queer unhistoricism, see Freccero 2006. On the Subaltern Studies collective, see Spivak 1988. Back to essay 88. Damish is citing here what he calls Benjamins Joseph Fuchs, collectionneur et historien. The actual title of Benjamins 1937 essay is Edward Fuchs: Collector and Historian. Back to essay 9. The Levi exhibit was located in this room for reasons museum personnel describe as practical considerations. Olga Melasecchi and Claudio Procaccia, interview by the author, Rome, Italy, July 22, 2017. Back to essay 10. Clasby and I argue that this is part of the larger project of the museum, which is to distinguish Jewish Resistance to the Nazis from other Resistance narratives by inserting Jewish Resistance into the larger narrative of the history of the state of Israel. Also, while they named considerations of space as the primary impetus to locating the Levi exhibition in this room, members of the Comunit are aware of the problems of the 1900 room, as it tries to house too many items from too great a period of time. They are also well aware of the tensions that necessarily arise between the museum as a secular institution and the religious life and exigences of the Communit. Back to essay 11. It is worth noting that not all Italian Jewish museums focus on Zionism to the extent that Romes does, Florences museum being one example. Back to essay 12. From what I have been able to determine, the renovation seems to have been primarily designed by the museums former (and now deceased) director, Di Castro, who also wrote the wall copy. Back to essay 13. Crane argues that there has been a historical shift in the function of the institution. Specifically, in the nineteenth century, museums became, first and foremost, providers of instruction (47). She writes, What had begun as an elite undertaking to save, record, and produce the cultural heritage of the past and the present in the Romantic era. had exploded into a popular public project (46-47). That is, there occurred a shift in the role and aesthetics of the museum, from a nineteenth-century aesthetic of instruction to a twentieth-century aesthetic of dialogue a dialogue that sometimes produces, if not exactly solicits, public controversy. Back to essay 14. When I spoke to the museum personnel about its competing goals and the difficulty of presenting their complexity to an audience of museum goers, they reminded me that most people who visit the museum take part in a guided tour, as, for security reasons, the Tempio Maggiore can only be visited in this way. Unfortunately, having taken this guided tour numerous times, I recognize that the guides talk seems to be primarily scripted and seldom deviates from what is clearly a religiously inflected understanding of Italian Jewish history. Back to essay 15. Mendels work (2005) unfortunately contains several errors in its account of Jewish history, such as his claim that Turin has the oldest ghetto in Italy (63). He also dates an Italian Jewish community in Rome to the Emperor Nero (62) most other sources, including the Jewish Museum of Rome, date it from the mid second century BCE. Back to essay 16. For an English translation of the bull, see Bull Cum Nimis Absurdum. Back to essay 17. The standard history of Italian Jewry in English is Roth 1969. On Venice, see Calimani 1987. Back to essay 18. See Parussa 2005 for more on Levis return to Judaism. Back to essay 19. This is the English translation of Levis (1965) La tregua . about his return from Auschwitz to Turin. The Italian version contains an account by Levi of his own Judaism. See Presentazione, in La Tregua (1963), 5-6 in particular. Back to essay 20. Harrowitz provides a detailed analysis of what she terms various phases of Levis Jewish identity. Back to essay 21. Symptomatically, an earlier version of this essay was rejected by a reader who chastised me for considering Levi really Jewish. The writer also called into question Natalia Ginzburgs Jewish credentials. For a more sympathetic reading of the latters relationship to Judaism, see Castronuovo 2017. Back to essay 22. On Zionism as a response to the Shoah, see Mankowitz 2002. Back to essay 23. On pre-war Italian Zionism, see Bettin 2017. One of the first middlebrow biographies in English on Vladimir Jabotinsky (with a foreword by Menachem Begin) suggests that, from Jabotinskys point of view, there were, of course, no Zionist leanings whatsoever in Italian Jewry at the turn of the century (Schechtman 1956, 56). Rabbi Giuseppe Sonnino of Naples, Italian representative to the 1898 Second Zionist Congress, declared devotion to philanthropy for persecuted brethren to be the official platform of Italian Zionists (Hametz 2007, 111). There were in fact debates within the Roman Jewish community over Zionism, perhaps most vividly embodied by Felice Momigliano, who, according to Maurizio Molinari can be remembered as the most Zionist among the adversaries of Zionism and the most assimilated of the Zionists (Molinari 1991, 63). A socialist and ultimately denouncer of Fascism for its authoritarianism and violence, Momigliano lived in Rome from 1912 until 1924, when he committed suicide. (Tarquini 2017). Additionally, according to Alessandra Tarquini (2017), an interpretation of Zionism widely diffused among Socialists at the turn of the century considered it a movement born in the ambit of the Second International for the emancipation of the Jewish proletariat persecuted by antisemitism and exploitation. Back to essay 24. Two additional sources on Italian Jews and the Fascist regime are De Felice 2001 and Stille 1991. Sarfatti and De Felice disagree in particular on the level of Italian anti-Semitism prior to Fascism, with Sarfatti noting its presence across Italian history and De Felice suggesting it was a recent phenomenon, linked to Mussolinis desire to emulate Hitlers policies. Recent critical work seems to have come to a consensus that Italian anti-Semitism must be understood in light of Italian Colonial racism, which predates Fascism though the debates continue. For example, Gillette (2002) argues a position close to De Felices, while Bosworth (2006) sees Fascist anti-Semitism as linked to colonialism. Back to essay 25. Marzano and Schwarz cite several examples of political cartoons that cross the line between critique of Israeli military policy and anti-Semitism. However, the writers do not acknowledge that the star of David is both a symbol of Judaism and the state of Israel this means that any critical deployment of the symbol whatsoever can be construed as anti-Semitic. See, for example, Marzano and Schwarz 2017: 89, 93, and 140. Back to essay 26. Other signatories included Franco Belgrado, Edith Bruck, Ugo Caffaz, Miriam Cohen, Natalia Ginzburg, David Meghnagi, and Luca Zevi. (Meotti 2017). The letter eventually included 150 signatories. The war had begun ten days earlier, on June 6 of that year. Back to essay 27. Scarpa and Soave, however, misdate the interview as June 28. Back to essay 28. On the coverage in the Italian press of the events of 1982, see Scherini 2017. Back to essay 29. On Revisionist Zionism and its relationship to fascism, see Kaplan 2005. Back to essay 30. See, for example, Brogi 2017 Tagliacozzo 2017. Back to essay 31. For a recent (non-scholarly) biography of Agnelli in English, see Clark 2017. Back to essay 32. For an image of the photograph of Levi on which Periodic Table is based, see Hunter 1989, 44. Throughout his career, Rivers was drawn to Jewish subjects, from his 1952 oil painting Burial . based on his own grandmothers funeral (15), to Four Seasons . Back to essay 33. Admittedly, the line between the kinds of images the two artists appropriate is not hard and fast, as both have, for example, altered, in different ways, iconic images culled from so-called high art: in the case of Warhol, da Vincis fresco of the Last Supper . for example in the case of Rivers, perhaps most famously, Emanuel Leutzes Washington Crossing the Delaware . As for advertising, there is clearly a relationship between Warhols Campbells Soup cans and Brillo boxes and Riverss images of Camel cigarette packages and cigar boxes. Back to essay 34. For images of some of Riverss canceled works, see Larry Rivers 2017. Riverss technique of cancellation suggests a parallel to Robert Rauschenberg in particular, Rauschenberg Erased de Kooning Drawing of 1953. Back to essay 35. For images of both the portraits and other objects displayed, see Garoffolo 2017. Back to essay 36. For some reason, there are slight differences between the text I reproduce here, which comes from the museum catalog, and the actual wall text. In terms of this particular passage, the major difference is that Sabra and Shatila are identified in the wall text as Palestinian refugee camps. This same passage identifies the holiday during which the terrorist attack occurred as Sukkoth (or Sukkot), which it was, as Shemini Azeret is sometimes considered the eighth day of Sukkoth. Other times, it is considered a separate holiday. The Italian wall text is different still, the most significant difference being more details about Sabra and Shatila, including the dates over which the killings occurred, the fact that the killers were Christian Lebanese militiamen, that the area was under the direct control of the Israeli army, and an estimate of the deaths as between hundreds and 3,500. As is the case with the English translation, however, Operation Peace in Galilee is not referred to as a war but rather a defensive move on Israels part to defend its border with Lebanon from Palestinian attacks. Back to essay 37. Lev Chadash, the first reform congregation, dates from 2001. The others include Beth Shalom and Shir Hadash. Lev Chadash and Beth Shalom are in Milan Shir Hadash, Florence. Given my earlier comments about the museum tours, it is worth mentioning that I first learned of the Roman Reform congregation from a tour guide at the Museo Ebraico who responded to my inquiry about Reform Judaism in Italy by stating first that she was very interested in reaching out to this group, which meets in the vicinity of the synagogue (the guide did not know the exact address, but referenced the famous fountain of the turtles), and second that her rabbi had discouraged her from doing so. The presence of this new community was confirmed by Guri Schwarz. In a text message of March 13, 2018, Schwarz wrote, at this time there is also a reform synagogue in rome (not a comunit in the strict sense of the word because it does not have official recognition), but it is precisely an unafflitiated liberal association not recognized by either the state or the italian jewish institutions (as is also the case in milan and elsewhere sic). Original in Italian. Back to essay 38. For an account of tensions in Italys Jewish community around Orthodoxy, see Gruber 2017. In Italy, the Ministero dellInterno is responsible for relations between the Italian state and the various religious denominations, which are required to have official representatives. See n37. Back to essay 39. This phrase partisan ends is used by Moses (2017, 557) in a discussion of Zertal 2005. Back to essay 40. Admittedly, this reading of Warhol is a partial one. For an alternative and admittedly convincing reading of the artist as offering, in at least some of his works, a critique of commodity culture, see Berger, Maurice 1985. Back to essay
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